Former President Barack Obama discusses the degradation of political discourse, the importance of citizen engagement, and the Democratic Party's strategy for effective governance and coalition-building in a challenging political landscape.
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It is my honor to be joined by the 44th
president of the United States, Barack
Obama. Mr. President, thanks so much for
joining me.
>> It is wonderful to be here, Brian. Thank
you for having me.
>> So, as you know better than anybody, the
discourse has devolved into a level of
cruelty that we haven't seen before. Um,
what was disqualifying just a few years
ago now not only feels fine, acceptable,
but actually rewarded. Um, you have
administration officials saying that the
victims of ISIS aggression are domestic
terrorists. You have JD Vance coming out
and saying that it's okay uh you don't
have to apologize for being white. Just
days ago, Donald Trump put uh a picture
of you, your face on an ape's body. And
so again, this is, you know, this is
kind of we've seen the devolution of of
the discourse. How do we come back from
a place that that we have fallen into?
>> Well, f first of all, I think it's
important to recognize that the majority
of the American people find this behavior
behavior
deeply troubling. You know, it it is
true that it gets attention.
It's true that it's a distraction, but
but
you know, as I'm traveling around the
country, as as you're traveling around
the country, you meet people uh they
still believe in decency, courtesy,
kindness, and
there's this sort of clown show that's happening
happening
in social media and on television. Uh
and what is true is that there doesn't
seem to be any shame about this among
people who used to feel like you had to
have some sort of decorum and and and
um a sense of propriety
and respect for the office. Right? So so
that's been lost. But the but the reason
I I point out that I don't think the
majority of the American people approve
of this is
because ultimately the answer is going
to come from the American people. And we
just saw this uh in Minnesota and
Minneapolis. Um I
it is important for us to recognize the uh
uh
unprecedented nature of what ICE was
doing in Minneapolis St. of all the the the
the
way that
federal agents, ICE agents were being deployed
deployed
without any clear
guidelines, training,
uh pulling people off uh you know, out
of their homes, using five-year-olds to
try to uh
>> bait their parents,
>> bait their parents. uh all the stuff
that we saw, teargassing
crowds simply who were standing there
not breaking any laws. Um
so so the rogue behavior of
agents of the federal government we is
is deeply concerning and and
uh dangerous. But we should take a
moment to appreciate the extraordinary
uh outpouring of organizing,
organizing,
community building, decency, neighbors,
buying groceries for folks, accompanying
children to school,
teachers who were standing up for their
kids. um you know, not just randomly,
but in a you know, systematic, organized way,
way,
citizens saying, "This is not the
America we believe in, and we're going
to fight back and we're going to push
back with the truth and with cameras and
with peaceful protests and and shining a
light on
u the the sort of behavior that,
you know, in the past we've seen in
authoritarian countries and we've seen
in uh dictatorships but we have not seen
in America and that kind of heroic
uh sustained behavior in subzero weather
by ordinary people uh is what should
give us hope and it should should remind
us that at the end of the day
the way we get a democracy that's
working. The way we get policies that
actually uh are helping working families
uh you know get ahead. the way that we
restore norms, rule of law, decency,
it's going to be because we citizens are
activated and paying attention and
saying enough and saying, you know, uh
we have a different idea of of what uh
the American family should look like and
and and community should look like and
and that is what I'm seeing across the
board. So, you know, I was um on a panel
a while back
and I said, you know, a lot of the
values that we
say we subscribe to
um during easy times, during peaceful
times, um it's easy to say we believe in
those things,
>> right? When they're not challenged.
>> When they're not challenged. You know,
it's easy to believe in free speech when
uh it doesn't seem like the government's
trying to crack down on free speech.
It's it's it's easy to to say that um
you know, we believe in the golden rule
when we aren't at risk of being arrested
when we exercise the golden rule. >> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> Right now, we're being tested and you
know, the good news is what we saw in
Minneapolis and St. Paul and what we're
seeing in in places across the country,
including here in Los Angeles, u has been
been
uh the American people saying, "No, you
know what?" At least a good number of
the American people saying, "We're going
to live up to those values that we say
we believe in." And as long as we have
folks doing that, um I feel like we're
going to get through this. So, I hear
and appreciate what you're saying about
the agency of individuals as we look
toward our elected officials, our
democratic leaders. I think something
that I've been having a lot of trouble
reconciling is for so long it's felt
like Democrats are solely focused on
protecting norms, institutions,
processes, and then you've got a
Republican party that sees what it wants
and will find a way to get it. Laws be
damned, constitution be damned, rules be
damned. And we're seeing that play out
right now. And so, you know, given this
massive asymmetry,
where where it often leaves us feeling
like it's a Lucy pulling the football
away from Charlie Brown over and over
and over again situation, what needs to
be done? And do you think that that
that's that our Democratic leadership
and our Democratic elected officials
understand that for the first time?
>> Well, look, I I I think we have to
acknowledge that
uh we've got the harder job, right? So
we we believe in government as a
tool for good for as a potential force
to uh create more jobs and as a way to
make sure that the planet doesn't roast
to make sure that
>> uh as as we move forward um
um
and the economy grows that everybody and
not just some are benefiting and and
that kids are getting a good education.
And what that means is that
um we have to think about the
consequences of our actions. We have to
uh try to figure out how do we get
working majorities to actually pass laws
and to implement those laws and to make
things happen. Tearing stuff down
doesn't require all that. So when you
you you talk about Republicans, for
example, it seems like they see what
they want and they just go after it.
Well, they've passed one significant
piece of legislation since they've been
for all the hoopla.
They haven't actually codified and institutionalized
much anything.
They have poured a huge amount of money
into ICE and the their immigration
agenda. Um, and they've cut taxes for
really wealthy people and now they're
trying to unravel a bunch of rules and
norms and laws that are already in
place. That's an easier job. So I I say
that because
uh we should accept the responsibility
and the challenge that our job is going
to be a little bit harder because in
order for us to get stuff done like
let's say the Affordable Care Act, well
we've got to cobble together a majority
and we've got to persuade and we've got
to convince.
And so I do think that there have been
some there's been some unwillingness on
the part of Democrats in the past to
break down some of the institutional
barriers for us getting stuff done just
because well it's always been done that
way. And I'll give you an example that
frustrated the heck out of me when I was
president which was the filibuster in
the Senate. Um,
the Senate is already structurally
u skewed and anti-majoritarian, right?
Like the it's it's hard for majorities
to get stuff done, whether it's trying
to pass civil rights legislation in the
60s or, you know, trying to get gun
control legislation or what have you.
Because even though majority people
support it, Delaware and Wyoming have
the same number of senators as
California. Right. All right. So that
that would require a constitutional
amendment. You then compound that with a filibuster.
filibuster.
And the the truth is is that Democrats
for some time have been traditionalists
in wanting to preserve that when it
blocks us from making government
effective which in turn makes people
feel like government is corrupt and not
caring about them
>> which lends itself
>> which then lends itself to the the kind
of uh it gives pe folks like Trump an
opening. Yeah. Right. So redistricting
is another good example of where
u I strongly believe we should not be
having politicians draw lines that
determine who's voting for them. We
should have voters decide who their
politicians are. And you know, I've
worked with Eric Holder to help set up
uh the terrific work that uh you know,
the NDRC has been doing to try to make
sure that we have fair maps. But
the fact that Governor Nuome here in
California uh and others said, "Well, if
they're going to try to jerrymander
their way out of losing this upcoming
midterm, then we're going to respond and
we're going to respond in a lawful way
where we put it up to a referendum and
and let people decide and not just give
away the store because of traditions."
That was the right response. So I I I do
think that
I don't want us to simply duplicate the
behavior of the other side. I I I don't
want us to have a slash and burn
strategy where we don't care about rule
of law. We don't care about some of the
guard rails around our democracy. We
start lying and and and having no regard
for the truth the way the other side
seems to be comfortable with right now.
Uh because if if if that's how we fight,
then we lose what we're fighting for.
But that doesn't mean we have to get
punked or or be saps. And I do and or or
to to cling to traditions just for the
sake of tradition. I think what we have
to continually uh
uh
evaluate is in this moment in time, how
do we make sure that we can advance
our agenda in a way that reflects
what's good for ordinary folks, not
special interests, not simply the
wellto-d do. And how do we do that in a
way that's consistent with integrity,
honesty, democracy,
uh the values that we claim to want to
uphold? And and I think it's possible to
do that. But but I I the reason I
started with reminding ourselves, yes,
we have a a harder job. Uh because
sometimes I think we're tough on
Democrats saying, why aren't you being
as mean and tough and nasty as they are?
Well, you know, it's it's uh you know,
when I was president of the United States,
States,
I suppose I could have simply
uh unilaterally ordered [laughter] the
military to, you know, go into some red
state and Yeah. and uh harass and
intimidate a governor there or cut off
funding for
uh states that didn't vote for me. I I
could have exercised that prerogative,
but that is contrary to how I think our
democracy is supposed to work. And and
and I think we shouldn't get discouraged
by the fact that we have a tougher job.
we should what we should do is expect
that uh um our side
is smart enough to figure it out.
>> So, you had mentioned persuasion and I
think that that's a a really good point
here because as we eventually head
toward a next general election cycle,
we're going to be contending with a lot
of the same infighting that's plagued
Democrats before. You'll often have
leftists and progressives um butting up
against liberals and moderates. And
look, you are the ultimate pragmatist.
And so, what advice do you have as we
head toward this election cycle, you
know, this this eventual 2028 election
cycle, so that we don't devolve into the
same, you know, 2016 era Bernie Hillary
redux that feels like it always consumes
the left? Well, look, first of all, I
think it's important to remember that
the divisions in the Democratic party u
tend to get magnified
in the in the media um
relative to the divides that exist in
most other countries
uh where you have a parliamentary
system, you have multiple parties and
you got Green Party and you got the
center left party and you've got a
socialist party and sometimes you got a
communist party.
>> Our differences get exaggerated. Listen,
I I
Bernie Sanders believes just like Nancy
Pelosi believes, just like Chuck Schumer
believes, just like Hakeem Jeff
believes, just like AOC believes in
equality and and non-discrimination uh
against people because of race or gender
or sexual orientation. We all all
Democrats believe in that. That's a core
value. Democrats believe that uh
government should
uh provide a a strong safety net for
people when they're down on their luck.
Everybody I just mentioned believes in
that. Everybody believes that uh there
should be some regulation of the market
so that you don't have monopolies and
igopies that are simply dictating the
terms of uh the economy. um and that we
should have a tax system that levels out
some of the inequalities that result.
So I think it's important for us to
remind ourselves as a starting point
what do we have in common? Most of the time
time
>> the differences are tactical, right? It
has to do with well
how much of a tax hike can people put up with?
with?
How much regulation
uh should we be thinking about when it
comes to climate change? And if if if we
recognize that typically the arguments
in the Democratic party aren't about
core values, but are really around
tactics and how do you get stuff done?
Now, we can have a robust debate, and I
want a robust debate.
>> Yeah. And what we can also do is not try
to nationalize
every issue all the time. Right? This
last off-year election I think was a
great example.
You know, you've got a candidate like
Spanberger in Virginia who runs what
would be considered a more centrist
campaign and runs a terrific campaign.
And then you've got Mandami in New York
who runs a, you know, explicitly socialist
socialist
grassroots campaign and excites and
mobilized folks. And that can win in New
York City. It probably could not win in
Virginia. And
that's okay. That's healthy. >> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> And and and and
sometimes I think we we we get into arguments
arguments
a a recent one,
this idea that the quote unquote
abundance agenda is somehow a sellout
and and folks on the left getting
exercised because oh, this is part of
this sort of corporate Democrats trying to
to
u you know take over the party. Well,
no, not really. What I I think it is
entirely legitimate to say, for example,
we need to build more affordable housing,
housing,
which is going to require higher taxes
on people like me and people who are
well off in order to subsidize the
construction of affordable housing,
let's say, in a place like California,
and also be able to say, you know what,
there are a bunch of well-intentioned
rules and zoning laws and so forth that
baby boomers like me and existing
homeowners have used to block the
construction of affordable housing even
in Democratic cities. And so if we want
to actually deliver housing rather than
have some abstract argument, then we got
to figure out not an eitheror
of do we spend more money or do we
reform some of these things that are
preventing the construction of
affordable housing. We have to do both.
And and I want us to have those
arguments. Um, and and one last thing I
think that's that's I've noticed in in a
lot of our internal arguments, a lot of
which, by the way, are taking place
online and ordinary voters,
this is all
>> completely off off their off their radar
screen. One of the things I think it's
important for Democrats for for us also
to to recognize, progressives to
recognize, folks on the left to recognize,
recognize,
it's possible for us to
have a moral
sense of what what is right and true and
what needs to be done.
And also recognize that
we are in a particular time and place
here in America. and voters are not
going to agree with us 100% on
everything. And so it is a it is not a
sellout. It's not a betrayal to say that
we're going to shape our agenda and our
message in a way that allows us to build
an working majority to get stuff done.
And I think particularly around social
issues, sometimes we get confused around
this. You you witness what happened in
in Minneapolis and you say to yourself,
morally speaking, that five-year-old
child who's standing in front of that
SUV as his father's t being dragged off,
his that child is is equal to mine or
any child.
his im immigration status, his
nationality does not change
the love and and and
decency that we should be showing that child.
child.
But what is also true is that we're a
nation of laws. We have borders and
we've got to figure out an immigration
policy that is orderly and that is fair
and is enforced in a sensible way that
is compatible with our values but na may
not fully capture the degree to which
that kid should have the same chances in
life as a US citizen kid. But, you know,
we've got to accommodate the reality
that the majority of the American people
think that there's a difference between
somebody who's a US citizen and somebody
who's not, and that they want an orderly
immigration system.
And and sometimes I think what happens
in the online debate is if somebody
suggests, well, we have to have some
immigration enforcement, then somebody's
going to point at that child and say, so
you don't care about that kid, so you
must be a bad person.
The same would be true, let's say, here
in Los Angeles around the homeless
issue. I think morally, ethically
speaking, it is an atrocity that in a
country this wealthy, we have people
just on the streets. And we should have
a a we should insist on policies that
that recognize their full humanity,
people who are houseless, and be able to
provide them the help and resources that
they need.
But we should also recognize that the
average person, you know, doesn't want
to have to navigate around a tent city
in the middle of downtown.
and that we're not going to be able to
build a
working majority and support for the
resources that we need to help folks
like that, whether it's drug treatment
or uh you know, temporary housing or
what have you. We're not going to be
able to generate support for it if we
simply say, you know what, it's not
their fault and so they should be able
to do whatever they want because
that's a losing political strategy.
That doesn't mean that uh
we care less about
those folks. It means if we really care
about them, then we got to try to figure
out how do we gain majority support and
and and be practical in terms of what we
can get through at this moment in time
and build on those victories. That a lot
of times is the arguments that are
taking place but they become
sort of performative and people start
saying you know oh you're selling out or
con conversely I think sometimes folks
at the in the at the center say uh you
know you're you're being impractical and
and dismissing legitimate
legitimate
critiques and concerns and and I what we
need be able to do is to maintain both
ideas at the same time, which is our
long-term goals have to be driven by our
values and our core beliefs and our
ethics and our morals and the sense that
every person counts and short term we
got to win elections,
>> right? and and and and
anyway, the the the good news is I think
that the folks that we are fighting politically,
politically,
the the the current White House, this
administration, and their enablers, uh
uh they're
they're
behaving so badly. they are doing such
crazy stuff that it shouldn't be hard
for our side to coalesce around the
areas where we agree on and focus on
that [laughter]
>> and and and I think that you know that
is going to happen if we are effective
in winning the midterms
if we then have a robust primary for
who's going to be the next Democratic
president. I I we shouldn't be afraid of
having a a robust debate. I I I want all
comers to to to sort this out. I I
benefited from having a about as
grueling a primary. >> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> As as I could have. It made me a better
candidate. It ultimately made me a
better president because I had been
tested. My ideas had been tested. The
story I was telling about America had
been tested. And that's what we should
be looking for rather than expecting
that somehow we're going to all come up
with some consensus blueprint master
plan that everybody's going to execute.
Um, you know, Democrats aren't good at
doing that anyway. >> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> Well, I think you know, one one block of
voters who I think there has been
particular focus paid on paid to right
now is is young voters. And you know,
you were able to mobilize a generation
of young voters in a way that hadn't
been done before. I got involved in
politics because of you. And and in
fact, a lot of millennials, uh, folks my
age got involved in politics because of
you. Like when I was when I was a
student, you would you could not find
any other students on campus who were
not supporting your campaign. Democrats
and you had had owned the cultural
zeitgeist in a way that hadn't been done
before and frankly hasn't been done
since. And we've seen a shift happen
obviously from from you know 2008 2012
up to 2024 and for the first time we saw
Democrats really lose their grip on
culture in a way that hadn't happened
before. And so what is your advice in
terms of remobilizing a generation of
Americans that we've had trouble
mobilizing up to this point? >> Well,
>> Well,
look, part of it has to do with the fact
that I was young.
>> Yeah. And so maybe don't nominate a
>> so so I look I am I'm 64 now
>> I'm pretty healthy 64 feel great
>> but the truth is half of the references
that my daughters make about
social media Tik Tok etc I don't know
who who they're who they're talking
about yeah
>> there is a element of at some point,
you age out. You're not connected
directly to the immediate struggles that
folks are going through. And so I
I'm not making a hard and fast rule
here, but I do think that
Democrats do well when we have
candidates who are plugged into the
moment to the zeitgeist to to to the
times and the particular struggles that
folks are thinking about as they look
towards the future rather than look
backward toward the past. and and so
some of it is choosing candidates who
who who check that box. Um I do think that
that
there is
an element of joy that needs to that
Democrats lost sometimes that the
our campaign was fun. We had some look
it wasn't always fun for me
but we built a community. We we we gave
people a sense that if you are part of this,
this,
you're doing something meaningful. And
it wasn't just talk.
Young people ran our campaigns. We
empowered them. We put them in charge.
They were out there figuring stuff out.
I'm not the person who was figuring out
our media's strategy. I was not the
person who was out there uh you know
knocking on doors and and and and
you know talking to voters and and and
creating events
it was 20 and 30 year olds and so
what happened in our campaign and what
you recently saw in the in Mandami's
campaign in New York
>> what when when there's that sense of joy
Then people feel like all right this is
not just some transactional
grind. This is this is
me becoming part of a community and and
and joining with others and and I I
think young people respond to that. And
then a correlary to that is I I I do
think that culturally I and I've talked
we did turn off I think I think there
was a certain way of talking about
issues for Democrats where we sounded
like scolds.
And I I I've said this before. Um
there was there was a a a virtue signaling
signaling
that made it seem as if ordinary folks
if they did not say things in exactly
the right way or meet this litmus test
that they were being
uh chastised, pushed away.
And the truth is most of us, all of us
are complicated and we have blind spots
and sometimes we say dumb stuff and [snorts]
[snorts]
we and and
if you want to create an environment
that is welcoming and makes people feel
okay, there's room for me here, then the
message and the story we tell has to be
all right, none of us are perfect. All
of us count.
We all have good in us that we can tap
into. We can all learn from each other.
And and I think that is something we
need to recover. That's part of the fun
of politics. That's part of the
community and the social bonding that
can come about. And we saw that in
uh Minneapolis. I I mean somebody showed
me um a friend of mine uh Michelle
Norris is from Minnesota and she was up
there and and she was going around
talking to neighbors and people she had
known for a long time as they were
mobilizing uh protests and and
activities around ICE and and uh she
showed me a clip of this
street band that was performing every night
night
after all these activities had been
taking place and protests etc. And they
were just out there and they were
playing music and I'm trying to figure
out how they were playing, you know,
horns and drums, etc. in like zero
degree weather cuz I would not have been
able to put my lips on [laughter]
on a trumpet and and people were celebrating
what they had accomplished.
Um and and it was an embodiment of the
values that um make us care about other
people. Uh and and that I think is a
spirit that when Democrats tap into that spirit
spirit
then we win. The other side does
the mean, angry >> demagoguery,
>> demagoguery,
>> you know, exclusive
us them,
you know, divisive politics.
That's their that's that's their home court.
court. >> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> Our court is
coming together. Our court is look, you
know, a great example. Wasn't political.
>> Bad bunnies halftime show.
>> I knew you were gonna say that. Yeah.
>> Well, be it. It was it it resonated. It
was smart
because it wasn't preaching. It was
showing. It was demonstrating and
displaying this is what a community is.
And people who did not speak Spanish and
have never been to Puerto Rico, they saw
that elderly woman serving a drink and
the kids dancing with their grandmas and
it was intergenerational and
and
>> it was
it was a reminder of what Dr. King
called the beloved community can look
like which is not perfect and it's messy
sometimes and you know I guarantee you
not all those lyrics were probably
politically correct and if you
translated them and you know they're you
know people are complicated
but there was a sense of all right
there's room for everybody here. >> Yeah
>> Yeah
>> and and that I think is where we win.
You know, your presidential center is
opening up this summer and you've
dedicated your postp presidency to
lifting up the next generation of
leaders oftentimes in defiance of people
begging and pleading with you uh to stay
involved in the political process. And
so why is it important for you to defer
to those people especially at a moment
where it feels like there is a vacuum of
leadership on the left? uh you are
among if not the most popular politician
in America and so you're you're right
here, you know, and so why is it
important for you in this moment to make
sure that you defer to others?
>> Well, first of all, I'm not a politician
anymore and I can't be, right? I mean, I
guess technically I could run for, you
know, city council or something, but
>> I'm not in elected office. I don't have
levers of power. I'm term limited out.
And by the way, I believe in the
Constitution and also I believe in my
marriage and Michelle would divorce me
if I even if I could run again. Um,
but I've always believed I mean this has
been a central tenant of of my work even
before I was in elected office that our
job as leaders is to lift up other
leaders to to empower others to to to to
find their gifts and and and help them
exercise those gifts. And so when I had
left the presidency, I said, "What
what's our foundation going to do?" We
we care about climate change. We care
about uh racial justice. We we care
about uh healthcare. We care about we
care about a whole bunch of issues, and
I work on those issues. Now, right now,
I'm spending a lot of time helping to to
think about how we're going to respond
to AI as it's coming down the pike, and
it's moving fast. So, I care about
specific issues, but my the thing I
thought I could do uniquely.
Michelle and I still have the capacity,
not just here in the United States, but
globally, to inspire and motivate young
people and invite them in to this
process. And that's what we need. We
just talked about it. You look you look
at u where excitement's going to come
from. That's going to come from the 20,
30 year olds who know firsthand what it
means to not be able to buy a house,
know firsthand what it means to to see
some of the latter's opportunity being
taken away,
have have, you know,
grown up in a moment in which there's
there's more social isolation, right?
And and so and and and understand both
the the good and the bad of social
media. And so they're the ones who are
going to craft these, you know, the the
who are going to remake our institutions
so that they are consistent with
the the values that are, I think,
timeless. And so what we've tried to do
at the foundation has been to uh
identify potential leaders not just with
traditional credentials, not just the
kids coming out of fancy schools or with
the top grades or
uh but
union organizers and grassroots
organizers as well as you know
journalists and teachers and healthc
care professionals.
and and
human rights activists and
we've now had thousands of folks go
through the program and these are folks
who are doing remarkable stuff at very
young ages. I mean they're setting up
health clinics in subsah here in Africa
or they're uh you know designing new
programs for intervention in in to to
help with the opioid crisis in
Appalachia or they're working on uh you
know how do we educate kids and use
using technology in remote rural areas
and and uh Native American reservations.
remarkable folks doing amazing stuff.
And the presidential center, which will
be opening up in June, is going to be
the hub around which all this activity
happens. Um, and you know, there will be
a museum with Michelle's dresses since
that's what people want to see. >> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> You know, we'll have some sports
memorabilia and you know, some cool
stuff in there. But really the the the
heart of the presidential center is
going to be the
music studio to where kids are learning
how to tell stories through
music and and a place to record podcasts
so they they can learn how to, you know,
talk about the issues in ways that
resonate. And uh there's a Chicago
public library in there and there's an
auditorium where you know
young people will be exposed to world
leaders who are coming through and can
talk about their own journey. And what
that does is it builds a community of
activists and it reminds people you're
not alone. You're not alone in your
sorrow when you see some of the stuff
that's been happening. uh in this
country over the last year.
But you're also not alone in
being able to figure out how do we push
back and come up with new solutions and
how do we uh remake these institutions
so that they work for this generation.
and and that kind of uh spirit is what
we hope you know this this presidential
center will will u constantly
refresh and renew. Um you know that this
is kind of a social change university
and we want just ordinary visitors who
aren't don't think of themselves as
activists as they go through these
exhibits and they see um you know what's
been done in the past. We want them to
think, well, what can I do? And we'll be
giving them all kinds of ways in which
they can then connect for um, you know,
with local organizations and get active
in their own communities around the
things that they care about.
that that kind of reinvigorating our our
civic muscles,
uh giving people a sense of, you know,
I'm not going to just sit here and doom
scroll or occasionally, you know, tweet
some complaint about what's happening,
but that I actually have agency and I
can actually make a difference. You
know, we want to encourage that and and
and that's what we saw and have been
seeing across the country in response to
the the violations and overreach and and
lawlessness uh that that been coming out
of this administration.
We just have to
encourage that and cultivate that and
and and not assume that it happens on
its own. I I became president because
very early on in in my career, I had
people teach me the power of community
and other people
um joining together around common
interests. And I tried to um
I tried to manifest
what I had learned in every campaign I
ran and try to ride that all the way
through my presidency. And um you know I
didn't figure out all that stuff on my
own. uh and and we have a long history
in this country, you know, dating back
to the abolitionists movement and the
suffragist movement and we on through
the civil rights movement and the union
movement and we have a long history internationally.
internationally.
Gandhi learning from the who then
inspires King who then inspires Mandela
who in the meantime like Valenca is you
know helping to and solidarity are
helping to bring down the Iron Curtain
and inspiring the you know people power
in the Philippines and
you know there that
that spirit that energy uh it's out and
you can feel it, but it's bottled up. We
haven't given enough outlets for young
people to to figure out how do I become
a part of that and and and that's a this
enormous untapped power that we have to
get back to.
>> So, I want to do a little bit of a
lightning round here because it's not
often I'll get access to president of
the United States. So, a couple
questions here.
>> Are aliens real?
>> Uh, they're real, but I haven't seen
them. and and and uh they're not being
kept in uh what is it?
>> Area 51.
>> Area 51. There there's no underground uh
facility unless there's this enormous
conspiracy and they they hid it from the
president of the United States.
>> What was the first question you wanted
answered when you became president?
>> Um where are the aliens?
>> Where are the aliens? [laughter]
Um who uh is there is there a person
that you most want to meet that you
haven't met yet? I'll be honest with you,
you,
being president or even being the next
president, I can kind of meet everybody,
so I've met a lot of folks. Uh the
person who I have not yet met um and
that I'm looking forward to meeting and
I I hope I get an opportunity sometime
in the future is uh
>> uh the new pope who is from Chicago and
a White Sox fan. I had the pleasure of
getting to know Pope Francis pretty well.
well.
>> Um and and he was legit. You know, there
there's some figures. He's one, the Daly
Lama was another is another who they're
how you hope they are. They kind of walk
the walk. Yeah. Uh, and my sense of this
new pope is he's from that he's cut from
that cloth. You know, somebody who,
you know, worked in
in places,
places,
you know, that really needed help and
and and uh what wasn't just uh preaching
from a pulpit, but getting his hands
dirty trying to trying to help people.
So, I'm I'm looking forward to talking
to him. I think we can I think I think
>> at some point I'll probably have it. Yeah.
Yeah.
>> What world leader did you like the most
in the least?
>> Um you know [clears throat] I I there
are a lot of world leaders I enjoyed.
Angala Merkel I became very close to
because she really was the leader of
Europe um during my presidency and we
were grappling with a bunch of different
stuff. She came from a center right
tradition. I obviously come from a left
center left position, but she had
integrity, very, you know, wicked smart and
and
you were both
analytical and practical and uh try to
figure out how to problem solve and and
so she she became a very close partner
to mine. Um
I'm I'm going to I'm going to def you
know defer on the uh the leaders I like
least. Um there there's enough of a
public record people probably have a
sense of some of the folks who uh who I
wasn't happy with.
>> Best prank out of the White House when
you were president.
>> Look, I I'll be honest with you, folks
aren't running pranks in the White
House. [laughter]
They're Secret Service. Everybody's busy.
busy. >> Yeah.
>> Yeah.
>> Um if there were pranks, they weren't uh
run on me. And I didn't
>> You didn't pull any?
>> I I tended not to pull pranks. Um,
people are intimidated enough by a
president. You know, you don't want to
punch down on a prank. Yeah. If you're
gonna if you're gonna pull off a prank,
it's got to be on somebody who can prank
you back. And what? Nobody gonna prank
[laughter] me.
>> All right. Last question here. Is Tupac alive?
alive?
>> Uh, he's alive on my playlist.
>> All right. All right. We'll leave it
there. There you go,
>> Mr. President. I I appreciate it. Thank
you so much. Keep up doing the good work.
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