achieved victory. But they have come an unbelievable
unbelievable
distance. They've come as far as the
United States came out of its colonial
status. The difference is the Chinese
did it in 1/3 the time, making it an
achievement beyond anything the world
has seen. to give you a sense of the
scale. Every third world country, what
we used to call the third world, the
developing world, the less developed
world, whatever phrase you want, Asia,
Africa, Latin America, and so on, every
one of those countries used to have to
go to New York or London or Paris to get
help, to build a railroad, to build a
harbor, to uh invest in schools, to have
a decent health program, to be able to
find market for its goods. Every one of
those countries now has an option it did
not have before. It can go to China and
a huge number of them are doing it and
have been doing it for a dozen years or
more. China's importance in Asia and
Africa is off the chart relative to what
it was 10 years ago or 20 years ago.
With these economic connections come
political alliances, ideological shifts,
and military reorganizations.
The United States cannot stop the
process any more than the British were
able to stop the process. And let's
remember because it's crucial. The
British tried in 1776.
They tried to squash the independent
development of the North American
colony. They lost that war in 1812. They
tried again and they lost again. Only
after two defeats militarily did the
British give up. They even toyed in the
1860s with siding with the slave South
against the North. They didn't do it,
but they thought about it. They debated
it. There were forces who wanted it.
Only in the second half of the 19th and
the first half of the 20th did the
British collapse. The British Empire was
over. Oh, they held on desperately, but
it was over. And World War I signaled
it. Before World War I, the United
States was a dter nation. Britain was a
creditor after the World War I roll
reverse over. So, one outcome of what
we're watching could be the United
States Empire finishing its decline,
certainly furthering it, and the further
rise of China. That's certainly part of
what is now going on, and there is no
end in sight. We've had a trade war with
China. Remember that was a signal
activity of the Trump administration.
We've had a tariff war with China. That
was a basic part of the Trump
administration and the Biden
administration has continued that. Did
it stop the growth of China relative to
the United States? A big fat resounding
no. It didn't. And it's not going to.
The effort to destroy the computer chip
industry of China is a failure. The
company singled out for that purpose.
Huawei just announced it has its own
better chip. The signs are everywhere.
So here's the issue. Will the United
States repeat the effort of Britain to
use military means to hold back? Is that
what the noise around Taiwan and the
American fleet in the South China Sea,
is that what that's about? Are you going
to try to do what the British failed to
do with us to the Chinese, a country
with four times the population and its
own nuclear weapons? Really? Well, if
so, well, then, you know, there's not
much more to say. Or are you going to
recognize what happened between the
United States and Britain and sit down
with the People's Republic of China or
the bricks and work out a live and let
live arrangement in the world economy
the way the United States and Britain
did in the second half of the 19th and
the first half more or less of the 20th
century. And then we have the
fascinating side issue which deserves
much more attention than a denialobsessed
denialobsessed
America gives it. Are the Chinese going
to be another empire like the US was
like the British were like the Dutch
before them and so on? Or are the
Chinese with the BRICS alliance as a
hint going to be a collective
international empire from the beginning?
More interested in inclusion than
exclusive dominance. What are the forces
that might take them in that direction?
and what might the rest of the world do
to foster that direction for the story
that we are living through. Now,
finally, I want to go back to something
that unites the world in a positive way
given everything I've said. And that
takes me back to Cherishk's novel, to
Vera Pavlova's life, to Lennin's
pamphlet, and to worker cooperatives.
Because one thing that is happening now
is something that socialists have been
dreaming about for two centuries. The
two centuries that there's been
socialism. And what they've been
dreaming about is captured in the slogan
workers of the world unite. You have
nothing to lose but your chains. Beyond
a slogan that has not been effective.
But now workers around the world have
something fundamentally
in common. Whether they're in the United
States or China or Nigeria or Finland,
the overwhelming majority are organized
into factories, offices, and stores, organized
organized undemocratically
undemocratically
by a small group of people who make all
the basic decisions. what to produce,
how to produce, where to produce, and
what to do with the output that
everybody's labor together generates.
All of those key business decisions are
made by an unaccountable
small minority, the owner of the
business. The board of directors, if
it's organized as a corporation, boards
of directors usually have 10 or 20
people on them. Employees can number in
the hundreds of thousands or even
millions. Now, there is no mechanism
through which the employees have a
democratic control over the employer
that all these workers have in common.
Whether the employer is a private
citizen or group or a public official,
they have that in common. And I am
confident that sooner or later that commonality
commonality
will finally become the issue that has
to be dealt with in one way in the
capital so-called capitalist west. in
another way in the so-called socialist
east. Because the fact of the matter is
with all of the changes that distinguish
existing socialism from capitalism,
those changes do not include a break
away from the employer employee
organization of the workplace.
Let me conclude then we have a long
history of what Marx called class
divided societies. We have the society
where a master class controls the class
of slaves, master and slave. We have
feudalism where a class of lords
controls a class of surfs. And we have
capitalism which promised liberty,
equality, fraternity and democracy as
part of its revolt against slavery
against feudalism in the French and the
American revolutions and so on. But what
capitalism promised liberty, equality,
fraternity, what it promised it could
not ever deliver. And the reason is at
its core in the production of the goods
and services without which no society
can survive. It installed and did not
question a fundamentally undemocratic
undemocratic
arrangement, a class divided structure.
Challenging that, saying that where we
want to go is to a society that democratizes
democratizes
the workplace, whether it's public or
private, is a call for fundamental
change that all workers everywhere can
understand and get behind. It would be a
way to reorganize
the global economy on the basis of cooperation,
cooperation, collaboration,
collaboration, non-hierarchical,
non-hierarchical, non-clashing
non-clashing
empire frameworks to work out our
problems. I think that the 21st
century's socialism will be one that foregrounds
foregrounds
the transformation
of the workplace. Not instead of what
socialists did in the 19th and 20th
century, not at all. but as the
recognition that the socialist movements
of the 19th and 20th century did not go
far enough. They changed much of the
macro part of society but too little
transformation of the micro level. what
goes on in the workplace. And lest I
been misunderstood,
the workplace includes the household,
the relationship between the people in a
household, in a family, as well as the
relationship of people in a workplace
situation. the democratization of all of
that, the demand for gender equality,
for workplace equality. These are the
directions in which a socialism of the
21st century will complete the amazing
beginning that socialism achieved in the
19th and the 20th century. But in
addition and finally to all of that, we
better face these issues of a changing
global economy, of a changing American
capitalism, because the alternative, and
here I borrow from a very important
group at the end of World War II, it's
this new socialism that I'm talking
about based on a transition of the
economy from hierarchical capitalist to
ealitarian worker cooperatives. It's
either socialism or it will be barbarism
of the sort shown to us already in
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